Posts Tagged ‘Virginia’

Worried About Virginia

Thursday, November 5th, 2009

If you thought my satire about a Virginia referendum to reject suffrage was too hyperbolic, check out what Rachel Maddow has to say about Virginia’s newly elected governor and attorney general:1

Excerpts: (starting at about 1:00)

Virginia… elected an attorney general named Ken Cuccinelli, who has called being gay “intrinsically wrong,” and has said that it does not comport with natural law….2

…Virginia’s new governor-elect Bob McDonnell just a few years ago said that certain homosexual conduct could and should disqualify a person from being a judge because of violating Virginia’s Crimes Against Nature law.3

  1. To clarify: I’m not calling what Maddow said as hyperbolic. I’m saying that my satire might not be as “out there” as it might seem at first glance, as there’s plenty of evidence that McDonnell and Cuccinelli are both noted regressionists. [<]
  2. See Shannon questions Cuccinelli’s stance on gay employees, Richmond Times Dispatch [<]
  3. See Sex Law Is No Judging Criteria, Daily Press [<]

Virginia Referendum to Reject Suffrage

Wednesday, November 4th, 2009

Bob_McDonnellVirginia Governor elect Bob McDonnell issued a statement today that once in office he would pursue a referendum in Virginia to reject the constitutional amendment that lets women vote.1

McDonnell was attacked for his 1989 thesis for Regent University, in which he described working women and feminists as ‘detrimental’ to the family. Despite his campaign promise that his views have matured, McDonnell is apparently using the gubernatorial platform and the trend of states passing similar initiatives regarding civil rights to manifest his idealism in a state that has a long history of conservatism.

When asked about the implications of the Tenth Amendment, McDonnell’s spokesperson indicated that “the Constitution as ratified explicitly excluded women,2 and even if state sovereignty in this matter does not trump federal law, it is firmly established that the federal government cannot force participation in the administration of any of its programs.3 In addition, the federal government is prohibited from trying to prevent the Commonwealth’s free exercise of religion, which is a substantive part of the referendum — to affirm religious freedom.”4

  1. No, he didn’t. But it certainly looks like he could. How can we stand by idly while we let the masses vote on whether minorities can exercise equal civil rights? It’s quite likely that for years after Brown v. Board (and maybe even up through today), if we had put integration up to a popular vote, we’d still be segregated. Look at our rich history of civil rights, and you can easily see how we require iconic heroes to make headway, not majorities. How does it feel to see the finish line of equality and intellectual honesty and then suddenly and relentlessly be pulled backwards, back toward the dark ages full of human inequality and cruelty? Feels like shit. [<]
  2. See NOW [<]
  3. See Printz v United States, 521 U.S. 898 (1997) [<]
  4. See First Amendment [<]

Virginia Ban on Political Clothing at Polling Places is OK

Thursday, October 16th, 2008

While the battle over voter registration rages,1 a battle is won (or lost) in Virginia.

The Virginia State Board of Elections has decided to uphold Virginia’s ban on “political clothing” at polling places.2

Under the Board’s Policy 2008-007,

… the Code of Virginia, § 24.2-604 states, in part:

During the times the polls are open and ballots are being counted, it shall be
unlawful for any person (i) to loiter or congregate within 40 feet of any entrance
of any polling place; (ii) within such distance to give, tender, or exhibit any ballot,
ticket, or other campaign material to any person or to solicit or in any manner
attempt to influence any person in casting his vote…

WHEREAS, the Code of Virginia does not define “exhibit;” and
WHEREAS, “In the absence of a statutory definition, the plain and ordinary meaning of
the term is controlling.” … and
WHEREAS, Merriam-Webster dictionary defines “exhibit” as: “a: to present to view:
as a: to show or display outwardly especially by visible signs or actions; b: to have as a
readily discernible quality or feature; c: to show publicly especially for purposes of
competition or demonstration;” and
WHEREAS, the Code of Virginia does not define “other campaign material;” and
WHEREAS, Merriam-Webster dictionary defines “material” as: “the elements,
constituents, or substances of which something is composed or can be made;” and
WHEREAS, campaign materials are materials distributed by or for campaigns and the
Code of Virginia, § 24.2-945.1, was amended in 2007 to adopt the express advocacy
standard for campaign contributions and advertisements; and
WHEREAS, courts applying the express advocacy standard have held subject to
regulation communications that cannot reasonably be interpreted other than as expressly
advocating the election or defeat of clearly identified candidate…..
WHEREAS, the Code of Virginia recognizes sample ballots may be a form of prohibited
campaign material if exhibited within the prohibited area; § 24.2-622 states, in part:
Voters may take sample ballots into the voting booth or enclosure, but
shall not give, tender or exhibit such ballot to any person, other than an
assistant designated under § 24.2-629, while inside the polling place or
within the prohibited areas designated by § 24.2-604.
Now therefore be it
RESOLVED, by the State Board of Elections under its authority to issue rules and regulations to
promote the proper administration of election laws and obtain uniformity in the administration of
elections pursuant to § 24.2-103, that
The phrase, “it shall be unlawful for any person… to…exhibit… other campaign material”
within the Code of Virginia, § 24.2-604 shall be interpreted as:
No person shall be allowed to show, display, or exhibit any material, object, item,
advertisement, or piece of apparel, which has the purpose of expressly advocating the
election or defeat of a clearly identified candidate.

Any person who does so will be asked by the officers to cease from showing, displaying or
exhibiting the material, object, item, advertisement, or piece of apparel, or to remove or
cover it until they leave the prohibited area and polling place.
Nothing in this policy shall prohibit any person from bringing but not exhibiting any
campaign material within 40 feet of any entrance of any polling place.

(emphasis added)

The ACLU of Virginia has asked the State Board of Elections to allow political messages on apparel at polling places, lest a ban violate the First Amendment right of freedom of speech.3

“We believe that the Virginia law can and should be interpreted to allow individuals to wear political apparel when they vote,” said ACLU of Virginia Executive Director Kent Willis, “and that is what we have asked the State Board of Elections to do.”

The ACLU’s request letter (which, by the way, didn’t do any good, since it was on October 14 that the State Board of Elections established the ban) addressed the ambiguity of the decision, suggesting that it would cause confusion for the already overworked volunteer poll workers trying to draw distinctions between support for a particular candidate and generalized political advocacy. What if, the letter queries, a voter wears a pro- or anti-George Bush button? Why should that be banned from the polls if George Bush isn’t even a candidate?

I haven’t found much support in the webisphere for the ban, so I’m going to take a stab at it. And I think my opinion might be more valid than someone who lives in California or some other state, by the mere fact that I both live and vote in Virginia (please don’t hunt me down and kill me).

My polling place is an elementary school, but in Virginia, polling places can range from churches to gymnasiums, and are quite often schools. Here is what I experience when I walk up to the school entrance on election day:

There are usually two tables just outside the entrance, with about three or four people hanging around each one, usually with some button, hat, or mere proximity to the table to identify the person as a Republican or Democrat. Sometimes they even wear blue or red shirts. Occasionally a green or independent party supporter will be lingering around, as well. The tables are stocked with red or blue sheets of paper with a hit list of names and issues voters should vote for to vote along party lines. I remember my first visit to that polling place, and thinking how offended I almost was at the prospect of someone “telling” me how to vote. I’ve since changed my mind. The sheets are very handy, and they give me an opportunity to review my votes while I wait in line.

But I don’t pick up just one sheet. I pick up one sheet for each party. Is that because I’m undecided? Because I pick a few from one, a few from the other? Do I have some secret plan to enter two exactly opposite set of votes? No. None of the above. I take both sheets because I am of the mind that I have a constitutional right to vote for a candidate or issue without my neighbors knowing how I voted. The people who frequent my polling place are the people who live next door to me, down the street from me, whose kids play with my kid. They’re people who teach my kid, teach other kids, walk their dogs on the sidewalk in front of my house, and who populate the neighborhood watch. When I go up to my polling place, the chances that some of those people there know me or have seen me are fairly good. I don’t want to (as McCain would say) telegraph my punches. That play on words would have worked better if I lived in Florida, of course, but the issue of intimidation (yes, even I get intimidated) still stands.

I think it’s a great idea to have a ban of political apparel within 40 feet of any entrance to a polling station. I don’t think that would affect the cheat sheets, but I do think it would keep up the appearance of neutrality of the polling place itself. Volunteers can’t wear political apparel (that’s a no-brainer), but a good number of people do loiter around, trying to nudge (or hound) others into voting for or against a particular candidate. Don’t we get enough of that on the news, in the newspaper, in television ads, at work, everywhere?

Despite my appreciation for the ACLU, there’s no free speech issue here. This is all about protecting the right of people to vote without being intimidated. It’s about the voting places not being public forums, but, instead, being temporary government facilities designed to allow residents to vote. Just imagine if we were living in the first days of public school integration, and some fervent advocate for free speech supported the notion that pro-segregationists could stand right at the doors of the schools while wearing anti-black slogan t-shirts, prominently displaying nooses, tar babies, and burning crosses. That’s despicable behavior and intimidation at its worst. Obviously, standing at the doors of a polling station wearing McCain masks, shirts, and baseball caps isn’t at the same level of intimidation as a KKK member being allowed to stand at the doors of a newly de-segregated school wearing a full Klan gown and hood, but it’s still not right, and it’s not a matter of free speech — it’s a matter of respect.

The only issue I foresee is where someone who doesn’t know about the ban, or who is merely wearing a button or lapel pin (not a full Barack Obama mask and suit getup), heads to a polling station and is turned away by the volunteers. Of course, that person can merely remove the offending item, but sometimes people wear political shirts to the polls, and often they won’t have brought along a change of clothes. What I would do is allow them entrance to vote, if there doesn’t seem to be a big problem. The heart of the matter isn’t the occasional pro-whatever button or shirt, it’s the groups of pro-whatever supporters hanging out with pro-whatever attire, acting as what could be seen as a loitering bully. Perhaps the ban should have been worded differently, so as not to create ambiguity and confusion, but I think the general idea is still sound.

A bit more clarification for the unconvinced:

Although free speech is still an underlying foundation of every public activity, if a specific purpose exists that certain free speech potentially disturbs, and that purpose is important for the perpetuation of free speech (or other important rights), then by limiting free speech narrowly to avoid having it disturb the purpose is a valid measure.

So, in this case, the purpose of facilitating unhindered voting for everyone is more important, in that very limited scope of the voting area, than free speech.

  1. Acorn, Michigan voter purge, etc. [<]
  2. Virginia is not the only state with this issue. Pennsylvania, and possibly other states have either instituted or considered a similar ban. [<]
  3. http://www.acluva.org/newsreleases2008/Oct10sbe.html [<]

Photography Laws, Photographer Rights

Tuesday, August 26th, 2008

Yesterday, I asked a hypothetical question about how you would react to a police officer demanding that you delete your photos or hand over your camera after you’ve taken pictures of public buildings while standing in a public place.1 I also linked to a number of articles that provide ample evidence that photographers are being targeted by overzealous police and security personnel “for reasons of national security” and otherwise.

Today, I’m going to offer up some links to resources that you might find beneficial if you ever decide to take a photograph outside your own residence. Considering that so many cell phones have their own cameras, and that cameras are becoming more and more portable, it’s likely that anyone reading this has a camera, and can probably benefit from a bit of knowledge about what freedoms and restrictions exist in the realm of photography.2

The Photographer’s Right: A Downloadable Flyer Explaining Your Rights When Stopped or Confronted for Photography

Photography Bay — Photography Laws

Photo Attorney (look for the “Photography Not Allowed” posts for more examples of harassment)

Legal Andrew: Photo Law – Your Right to Take Pictures in Public

PhotoPermit.org

The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press

PhotoSecrets: The Law For Photographers — A free, online guide to the rules of taking and selling photos.
PhotoSecrets Links page

Covington & Burling memo to the National Press Photographers Association regarding Rights of Journalists on Public Streets, August 15, 2005

In summary, we find that there is no federal law that justifies the broad
prohibitions that are being imposed on photography in public areas. There is no new federal law,
including the Patriot Act, that restricts photography of public buildings and installations on the
basis of concerns over terrorism. Restrictions of photojournalism that proceed on this basis may
constitute violations of journalists’ First Amendment right to gather news.

The basic rule of thumb is that if the general public has access to a public forum
and may operate cameras within it, the press may do so as well.

Photo Junkie: Photographers Rights

Photos & The Law: The Legality of Urban Exploration Photography

Andrew Kantor: Legal Rights of Photographers
Kantor’s USATODAY photography rights article

Student Media of North Carolina State University: Photographers’ Manual

U.K. Photographers Rights

Canadian Photography Laws

Feel free to include suggestions of your own in the comments.

  1. Why, you ask, is a blog devoted to rational activism posting articles regarding a photographer’s right to take pictures in public? Quite simply, State of Protest is dedicated to the elimination of all aspects of irrational, fear-based oppression, whether it be from religious organizations, political factions, neighborhood lynch party groups, or school boards. The photography issue has escalated since 9/11, and we’re all harmed by the misconception that restricting photography somehow ensures national security. While we, as a nation, criticize countries like China for restricting blogger, journalist, and photographer ability to capture and disseminate media critical of the government, we simultaneously create a false requirement of the same restrictions on the basis of national security. All the while, the government continues to increase its ability (and legal right) to invade our privacy with wiretapping, cctv, and other methods of information acquisition.

    “Since the general civilization of mankind, I believe there are more instances of the abridgment of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power, than by violent and sudden usurpations; but, on a candid examination of history, we shall find that turbulence, violence, and abuse of power, by the majority trampling on the rights of the minority, have produced factions and commotions, which, in republics, have, more frequently than any other cause, produced despotism. If we go over the whole history of ancient and modern republics, we shall find their destruction to have generally resulted from those causes.”

    – James Madison. Speech at the Virginia Convention to ratify the Federal Constitution, 1788. [<]

  2. Note that I am not affiliated with any of the individuals or organizations behind these links. I’ve derived the links from my own searches. I’m not being paid to provide any of these links. I am not providing any legal advice, and I am not suggesting that any of the links provide legal, proper, or correct advice. I am not your attorney. If you need legal advice, consult an licensed attorney in the appropriate jurisdiction. [<]

Regarding Roger Severino’s “Legalizing Gay Marriage Will Spark Lawsuits…”

Friday, April 11th, 2008

I’d like to add a bit of perspective to the commentary I read the other day by Roger Severino, a lawyer with the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty. The article is divided into quote boxes, my comments follow.

Legalizing gay marriage will spark lawsuits against churches 1

Apr 7, 2008 3:00 AM (1 day ago) by Roger Severino, The Examiner

WASHINGTON – After years of litigation and debate, the California and Connecticut supreme courts are about to decide the question of marriage. If, as some suspect, the courts redefine the institution to include same-sex couples, they will have entered a minefield of unintended consequences — especially with regard to religious liberty.

The experience of legalizing same-sex marriage in Massachusetts, and of civil unions elsewhere, cannot be ignored. It shows that, even with the best of intentions, legalizing same-sex marriage will seriously undermine the religious freedom citizens have enjoyed since the founding.

This hyperbole has become all too well known in arguments that appeal to tradition. This was the same argument used in the iconic Supreme Court case of Loving v. Virginia, where in the earlier trial, the trial judge stated:

“Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, Malay and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix.”2

Apparently allowing races to mix in marriage would “seriously undermine the religious freedom citizens have enjoyed since the founding.”

Severino, continued:

Although the First Amendment protects dissenting houses of worship from being forced to perform same-sex wedding ceremonies against their will, that is not the end of the story — it is barely even the beginning.

Mr. Severino apparently ignores the fact that although there is an optional ceremonial and religious aspect to marriage, with regard to the state, it is a legal issue akin to a contract in the eyes of the state, covered by its laws, and that can be processed fully by a non-religious government entity such as a justice of the peace or someone else authorized to conduct a marriage. In other words, religious institutions are not required to perform marital ceremonies — these religious rituals are optional, based on the desires of the members of the respective churches.

Simply changing the definition of marriage opens the door to a flood of lawsuits against dissenting religious institutions based on state public accommodation and employment laws that prohibit marital status and sexual orientation discrimination.

Is what’s being asked for a simple change in definition of marriage, or is it a change in application of marriage? I think it’s the latter. The same way a black and white couple could live together as if married, prior to Loving v. Virginia, two men or two women could live together as if married. Loving allowed states to recognize the black and white couple as a union under law, afforded the same rights and privileges as other couples. Apply marriage more broadly and reject more tradition, and it would include same-gendered couples. As F.C. Decoste states, “Of course, if this be so — if the only arguments against same-sex marriage are sectarian — then opposing the legalization of same-sex marriage is invidious in a fashion no different from supporting anti-miscegenation laws: each is a fundamental assault on equality, and neither has any rhyme or reason beyond sectarian commitments which would foist one’s own diseased, personal morality on the whole of the polity.”3

Additionally, religious institutions that refuse to recognize a new state-imposed definition could be stripped of access to government programs, have their tax exemption denied and even lose the ability to solemnize civil marriages.

Here we embark on an interesting and, I’m sure, controversial issue — should religious institutions even have tax exemptions, or is that a violation of the First Amendment? And why should religious institutions be treated any differently than any other charitable organization that refuses to comply with government rules, and that ends up losing access to government programs? Is the adherence to religious tradition and homophobia important enough to religious institutions that the lesser of two evils is to reject government assistance?

We need only look at Massachusetts for a preview of what to expect. There, in 2004, justices of the peace who refused to solemnize same-sex unions due to religious objections were summarily fired.

And a doctor who refuses to perform a life-saving blood transfusion because it conflicts with his religious beliefs should be praised? If a person hired by a government entity has a personal problem performing an administrative task according to the rules and regulations of the government, then the person should not be an employee of the government.

It did not matter that other justices of the peace were available to do the job because, by Massachusetts law, same-sex unions were now entitled to equal treatment. A religious belief became a firing offense.

No, the belief did not become a firing offense. The manifestation of that belief by refusing to comply with a government mandate while being employed by that government became a firing offense.

It is but a small step for the state to impose this rationale on churches and other houses of worship and end legal recognition of religious marriage ceremonies that do not comply with the state’s expanded definition of marriage.

As has always been the case anyway. If a Church of Satan has a marriage ceremony, the government doesn’t have to recognize it if it doesn’t comply with state law. So, the rationale has always been imposed. Even a church recognized as an entity that can perform legal marriages doesn’t get a free pass if the person actually performing the marriage is not authorized to do so. Why should there be a special exemption for religion for anything violative of the law?

This is not the only example of what is to come. Massachusetts, like many other states, strictly regulates private adoption agencies through licensing. Historically, this has not posed any difficulties for religious institutions, but Massachusetts now demands that all licensed adoption agencies be willing to place children with legally married same-sex couples.

However, Catholic Charities, the largest private social service provider in the state, could not in good conscience place its orphan children into homosexual households. After a bitter struggle, Boston Catholic Charities was forced out of the adoption business because it refused to embrace the state’s new definition of marriage. The result was doubly tragic because both orphan children and religious liberty took the hit for this misguided attempt at equality.

It seems more like the orphan children took a hit because of Catholic homophobia and irrational adherence to tradition in not even considering the viability of a same-sex set of parents. Is it so important that the couple be man and woman that the next best option for Catholic Charities is to perpetuate the orphanhood of the children? Should the civil rights of couples be ignored for the sake of the homophobic?

Two more real-world examples illustrate the danger. In New Jersey, the city of Ocean Grove recently yanked a Methodist institution’s real estate tax exemption because it refused to perform civil unions in its outdoor wedding pavilion.

In Iowa, the Des Moines Human Rights Commission found the local YMCA in violation of public accommodation laws because it refused to extend “family membership” privileges to a lesbian couple that had entered a civil union in Vermont.

Based on the ruling, the city forced the YMCA to recognize gay and lesbian unions as “families” for membership purposes, or lose $102,000 in government support for the YMCA’s community programs. Equal provision of benefits to all couples was not enough — only the YMCA’s explicit adoption of the state’s new definition of family fulfilled the government’s requirements.

Again, governments are effectively giving taxpayer money to religious institutions in the form of exemptions because those institutions follow government regulation. When the institutions refuse to follow government regulation, the government stops the exemptions. Are the coffers so empty that churches cannot go private and run things the way they wish? Isn’t the Catholic church one of the most wealthy entities in the entire world? So wealthy that it could feasibly ignore the lack of tax exemption, and facilitate the finding of homes for orphans, or buy out the YMCA and privatize it?

This list barely mentions the avalanche of employment discrimination lawsuits religious institutions will face, if, for example, employees at religious institutions publicly enter same-sex unions in violation of the institution’s teachings and employment policies.

Likewise, religious colleges and universities would run afoul of housing discrimination laws if they were to offer housing benefits for husband-and-wife couples but decline to do so for married same-sex partners.

Yet again, government money (which is taxpayer money) for adhering to the law. Not adhering to the law results in no government money or enforcement of the law. If churches don’t like it, they can go private.

Are we better off as a community if religious charities are forced to close their doors because the state redefines what is and is not a marriage? Are we better off if, for example, the Salvation Army is forced to close because of employment lawsuits, or if Catholic adoption agencies are forced to shutter their offices? What would such a result say about tolerating diversity and respect for religious liberty?

Lawmakers and judges need to consider all the consequences, intended and unintended, before embarking on this path.

There are plenty of non-religious charities that would be happy to take on the tasks of former religious charities that are destroyed due to their own arrogance. Respecting religious liberty is not equivalent to allowing religious institutions to do whatever they want with taxpayer money without being accountable to the taxpayers or the government. As a society, we can respect or refuse to respect religions as beliefs, but that has nothing to do with accepting the behavior of religious institutions. However, the government, the entity that takes and redistributes our tax money, is held to a higher standard. Remember, Congress shall make no law respecting….

-Procrustes

  1. http://www.examiner.com/a-1324540~Roger_Severino__Legalizing_gay_marriage_will_spark_lawsuits_against_churches.html [<]
  2. Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967) [<]
  3. The HalpernTransformation:
    Same-Sex Marriage, Civil Society, and the Limits of Liberal Law, F.C. Decoste, http://www.marriageinstitute.ca/images/decoste.pdf [<]